As Maharashtra’s election campaign draws to a close, political parties face a significant shared challenge: a growing sense of voter disillusionment. This is the first election since the “tod phod” (splitting of parties), which has drastically changed the political landscape, increasing the number of alliances and leading to an unpredictable array of candidates. With voters in the state increasingly questioning party politics, the result may hinge on individual candidates rather than party affiliation.
This election sees an unprecedented number of candidates, with some constituencies experiencing new highs in the number of hopefuls. As traditional alliances such as the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) and the BJP-led Mahayuti face internal fragmentation, voters have shifted their focus from political parties to the personalities on the ballot. “Now we will look at the candidate, not paksh (party),” says Vishnu Kendre, sarpanch, Pimpri Khandare. The rise of candidate-centric voting reflects a deeper dissatisfaction with party politics. Kendre adds, “Who knows which party he joins after he wins,” highlighting how voters no longer trust that elected officials will remain loyal to their initial party affiliations.
In Vidarbha, regions like Buldhana, Wardha, and Amravati reflect a deepening frustration with party politics. Farmers, teachers, and villagers voice their discontent over the rising costs of living and stagnant incomes. “We gave Modi our vote in 2014 with high hopes, but feel let down by decisions like demonetisation,” says Sarjerao Nagre, a school teacher from Buldhana. Yet, despite their disillusionment with the BJP, they plan to vote for the Mahayuti candidate, who is seen as a local ally from their caste group.
Across rural constituencies, the focus on local candidates rather than party ideology is becoming more pronounced. In Vyala village, three young farmers express their unwavering support for PM Modi but admit that it won’t influence their vote this time. “Oopar toh hai hi Modi,” they say, indicating that Modi’s influence is secure at the national level. The choice now hinges on local dynamics—whether the candidate is familiar and accessible, regardless of party affiliation.
Meanwhile, voters like Bhujang Padmukh, from Faijalapur, Buldhana, are the voices of growing uncertainty. “We look at the candidate, he looks at who can lure him,” he says in particularizing the transactional nature of politics in this fragmented environment. This helplessness of voters is an echo of many who express doubts over political stability in the future after elections.
In fact, the Vidarbha region, one of the most economically backward regions in Maharashtra, sees this election as crucial for constituencies. Everywhere, farmers speak of the twin crises of “mehengai” – rising prices – and “berozgari” or unemployment. The voters in Buldhana are angry because the government did little to raise the crop price, especially in soybean and cotton, and how essentials have skyrocketed. “Rs 1,500 won’t buy even one 15-litre can of edible oil,” says Sangeeta Wankhede from Faijalapur, condemning the Ladki Bahin Yojana scheme doled out by the government to women – which does nothing to find a solution to the problems faced by families.
It is the economic distress felt in these districts that adds to voter dissatisfaction. Still, several say they will vote for local candidates on the Mahayuti alliance because of personal relationships and caste-based loyalty rather than even remotely endorsing national policies.
Communal polarization continues to remain a crucial ingredient in the election in a manner not specifically guaranteed to bring uniformity. Religion has thus been used to consolidate a vote base, as in the case of Mahadev Ghorpade from Atali village, who expresses deep fears about “Hindu pe atyachar” (atrocities against Hindus). But in places, especially areas of high Muslim influence, the strategy blows out of proportion. “Uttar Pradesh ka naara Maharashtra mein nahi hona chahiye,” warns Sarjerao Nagre of Bibi village, pointing to the problematic nature of communal rhetoric.
While some communities, especially OBCs and Marathas, find common ground with the BJP’s messages on Hindu unity, others like the Mahayuti candidate in Amravati, who switched from Congress, are careful not to stir up communal tensions, knowing the importance of Muslim votes for their victory.
Dalit voters, particularly in constituencies like Akola, are saying anxiety over “Constitution” and reservation policies can keep political shifts at bay. It is a perception amplified further by the courts’ sub-classification verdict, and the BJP’s increasing hold over the state adds to vulnerabilities. Prakash Ambedkar, of Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi, himself a regional player, says it would be a hung assembly this time too, with the Dalit votes again bifurcated between regional parties and the BJP.
The Irony of the Election: Voting for the Opponent to Defeat the Opponent
Some of them argue that they vote for Congress in revolt against deep-rooted frustrations. In the village of Jamil Colony, Amravati, Muslim voters answer that they actually vote for Congress with bitterness in their voices. “Congress has done nothing for us either, but we have to move ahead,” opines Sahib Husain Subedar. Businessman Meraj Khan nods in confirmation and says, “Earlier we voted to defeat Uddhav Thackeray, now we vote to bring him to power.”
A shift in focus – on Maharashtra’s complex electoral landscape, local candidates have rather than party ideologies attracted their different choices, a shift that reflects deeper dissatisfaction with traditional party structures. Whether such trend end will shape up the Mahayuti or MVA finally gives the verdict across is not quite certain but what is clear that for the vote bank, voters have rather chosen out of personal connection to candidates than by party loyalty.
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